🗊Презентация Mykhailo Petrovych Drahomanov

Mykhailo Petrovych Drahomanov  

Mykhailo Petrovych Drahomanov  was a Ukrainian political theorist, economist, historian, philosopher, ethnographer and public figure in Kyiv. Mykhailo Petrovych Drahomanov  was a Ukrainian political theorist, economist, historian, philosopher, ethnographer and public figure in Kyiv.

Born to a noble family of Petro Yakymovych Drahomanov who was of a Cossack descent, Mykhailo Drahomanov started his education at home, then studied at the Hadiach school, Poltava senior school and Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Born to a noble family of Petro Yakymovych Drahomanov who was of a Cossack descent, Mykhailo Drahomanov started his education at home, then studied at the Hadiach school, Poltava senior school and Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv.

Drahomanov lectured at Kyiv University from 1870 to 1875, but because of the repressions against the Ukrainian movement peaking up in 1876 with Ems Ukaz was forced to leave the Russian Empire and emigrated to Geneva. In emigration he continued his political, scholarly and publishing activities. In 1885–95, he was a professor at the University of Sofia to his son-in-law Ivan Shishmanov. Drahomanov wrote the first systematic political program for the Ukrainian national movement. He himself defined his political convictions as "ethical socialism," and was deeply impressed by socialist literature as a teenager.

Drahomanov was one of leaders of Kyiv hromada (later known as the Old Hromada), while continuing to pursue his academic career. Being a member of the Russian Geographic society, he established contacts with Ukrainians of Austria (in Galicia). Under his influence, the Academic Circle in Lemberg (Lviv) adopted the Ukrainian democratic platform. As a victim of anti-Ukrainian repressive measures by the Russian government, in 1875 Drahomanov was fired from the Kyiv University. Drahomanov was one of leaders of Kyiv hromada (later known as the Old Hromada), while continuing to pursue his academic career. Being a member of the Russian Geographic society, he established contacts with Ukrainians of Austria (in Galicia). Under his influence, the Academic Circle in Lemberg (Lviv) adopted the Ukrainian democratic platform. As a victim of anti-Ukrainian repressive measures by the Russian government, in 1875 Drahomanov was fired from the Kyiv University.

In 1876 Drahomanov became a spokesman of Hromada abroad (Western Europe) while settling in Geneva, Switzerland. Between 1878-1882 he published a Ukrainian political magazine Hromada and number of Russophone pamphlets.Drahomanov also created a Ukrainian socialist organization the Geneva Circle. In 1886 his political stance became not aligned with the political views of Hromada, which resulted in a rift between then, and the society in Ukraine losing its financial support. In 1876 Drahomanov became a spokesman of Hromada abroad (Western Europe) while settling in Geneva, Switzerland. Between 1878-1882 he published a Ukrainian political magazine Hromada and number of Russophone pamphlets.Drahomanov also created a Ukrainian socialist organization the Geneva Circle. In 1886 his political stance became not aligned with the political views of Hromada, which resulted in a rift between then, and the society in Ukraine losing its financial support.

The lasting legacy of Drahomanov can be discerned in the whole Ukrainian tradition of leftist political parties and political activism. He personally influenced a handful of younger Ukrainian intellectuals in Habsburg Galicia in the late 1870s, first of all Ivan Franko and Mykhailo Pavlyk, both of whom accepted his ideas although reworked them later according to their own mould. In 1890 these intellectuals founded the first Ukrainian political party - Ruthenian-Ukrainia Radical Party. The program-maximum of this party was socialist and therefore the party can be seen as one of the first socialist parties in Eastern Europe. The lasting legacy of Drahomanov can be discerned in the whole Ukrainian tradition of leftist political parties and political activism. He personally influenced a handful of younger Ukrainian intellectuals in Habsburg Galicia in the late 1870s, first of all Ivan Franko and Mykhailo Pavlyk, both of whom accepted his ideas although reworked them later according to their own mould. In 1890 these intellectuals founded the first Ukrainian political party - Ruthenian-Ukrainia Radical Party. The program-maximum of this party was socialist and therefore the party can be seen as one of the first socialist parties in Eastern Europe.

He did not perceive the aspirations of the revolutionary socialists to "revolutionize without science" and the hopes of the populists "to make socialism or culture without politics." The levelers of Ukrainian nationality criticized the efforts under the slogans of the struggle for unification of forces to introduce Russian as a state language among Ukrainians. Drahomanov's conclusion was categorical: ... this would not lead to the formation of "pure nationality of their neighbors" from the Ukrainians, but would bring to life "bastards", new "national bastards" who by their moral qualities would be lower than their ancestors of "pure nationalities" . He substantiated the ethnic and psychological identity of Ukrainians. He consistently opposed those who claimed that "nationality is an empty ideal," because he believed that, first, nationality always existed and, secondly, the domestic man is represented primarily by the nation that lives in it, otherwise the mountains will be domestic, rivers and swamps. He saw salvation for Ukrainians in the creation of a "state" that would be "a union for the protection of oneself from strangers"

Has made a significant contribution to the development of the political and legal ideology of the liberal and democratic movement in Ukraine: Has made a significant contribution to the development of the political and legal ideology of the liberal and democratic movement in Ukraine: 1. He created the concept of a society based on the idea of the association of developed personalities. The realization of this ideal is possible under federalism with maximum decentralization of power and self-government of communities and regions. For M. Drahomanov, the person is the basis of the foundations of the social system, the highest value, the guarantee of which can be guaranteed only by a free self-governing association (community), not by the state. Mykhailo Drahomanov, in principle and in the long term, was a supporter of the Prudonian-type anarchism and at the same time put forward the ideas of building a state on a federal basis

2. Analyzing the forms of the state, M. Drahomanov emphasized that a unitary, centralized state is the embodiment of despotism, the dictatorship of the few. The best form, in his opinion, is an organized federation (like the United States or Switzerland), which is based on public self-government, local self-government, guarantee of human rights and freedoms. 2. Analyzing the forms of the state, M. Drahomanov emphasized that a unitary, centralized state is the embodiment of despotism, the dictatorship of the few. The best form, in his opinion, is an organized federation (like the United States or Switzerland), which is based on public self-government, local self-government, guarantee of human rights and freedoms.

3. Like M. Kostomarov, M. Drahomanov was a supporter of federalism in the construction of the state. However, if M. Kostomarov favored a unified Pan-Slavic state, then M. Drahomanov was limited to the federal restructuring of Russia. He represented the future federation on a fundamentally new basis: a) defended the priority of the rights and freedoms of the individual in the state. According to the thinker, terror and dictatorship cannot be a means of building a progressive socio-political order. The new system of the state was envisaged on the basis of political freedom, which would guarantee human and citizen rights, abolition of corporal punishment and death penalty, inviolability of housing without a court order, secrecy of private correspondence, freedom of conscience, press, speech and religion. The church separated from the state; 3. Like M. Kostomarov, M. Drahomanov was a supporter of federalism in the construction of the state. However, if M. Kostomarov favored a unified Pan-Slavic state, then M. Drahomanov was limited to the federal restructuring of Russia. He represented the future federation on a fundamentally new basis: a) defended the priority of the rights and freedoms of the individual in the state. According to the thinker, terror and dictatorship cannot be a means of building a progressive socio-political order. The new system of the state was envisaged on the basis of political freedom, which would guarantee human and citizen rights, abolition of corporal punishment and death penalty, inviolability of housing without a court order, secrecy of private correspondence, freedom of conscience, press, speech and religion. The church separated from the state;

b) the scientist considered the construction of the federation not as a grant of rights and freedoms to the subjects of the federation "from above" but as delegation of powers to the higher bodies of the state "from below"; b) the scientist considered the construction of the federation not as a grant of rights and freedoms to the subjects of the federation "from above" but as delegation of powers to the higher bodies of the state "from below"; c) the court was on the guard of rights and freedoms. A citizen could bring a lawsuit against him not only against his fellow citizens, but also against any official, which was extremely relevant to Russia at the time.

4. M. Drahomanov did not represent the political freedom of citizens without serious and social reforms, which included: 4. M. Drahomanov did not represent the political freedom of citizens without serious and social reforms, which included: - the elimination of such vestige of serfdom as legal inequality; - overcoming the class principle of tax distribution; - gradual nationalization of the main means of production with the right to use them to the population.

5. The state-legal concept of M. Drahomanov envisaged three branches of power: legislative, judicial and executive. The legislative would belong to two thoughts - state and union. The head of state could be an emperor with inherited power or elected. The third branch of power - the judiciary, except the Supreme Court (Senate), included judicial chambers of regional, county and city councils. The status of judges was determined by law. Members of the Supreme Court were appointed by the President for life. 5. The state-legal concept of M. Drahomanov envisaged three branches of power: legislative, judicial and executive. The legislative would belong to two thoughts - state and union. The head of state could be an emperor with inherited power or elected. The third branch of power - the judiciary, except the Supreme Court (Senate), included judicial chambers of regional, county and city councils. The status of judges was determined by law. Members of the Supreme Court were appointed by the President for life. Thus, with his state-legal concept, M. Drahomanov proposed a parliamentary state with the principles of self-government, which would affect the social and economic spheres of society, attach great importance to education and legislation, and open up prospects for reform.

First, the value of M. Drahomanov's political doctrine is that it is aimed at protecting human rights and freedoms. Neither before nor after M. Drahomanov, no one in Ukraine and Russia argued with such force the idea of a person's priority over the state. The scientist came close to outlining the most important feature of the rule of law - the responsibility of the state to the citizen in case of violation of his rights. First, the value of M. Drahomanov's political doctrine is that it is aimed at protecting human rights and freedoms. Neither before nor after M. Drahomanov, no one in Ukraine and Russia argued with such force the idea of a person's priority over the state. The scientist came close to outlining the most important feature of the rule of law - the responsibility of the state to the citizen in case of violation of his rights. Secondly, the European choice of M. Drahomanov, his attempt to introduce Ukraine into the European community of peoples by bringing it closer to European political and legal standards, cannot but please the contemporaries. Third, the scientist created the first in the history of Russia project of federal restructuring of the state, some aspects of which were implemented later in practice. An example of this is today's Russian bicameral parliament.

Primary in Drahomanov's political ideas was humanism, a belief in the spiritual perfection of man, in the progress of society, which he understood from the perspective of satisfying the desires and needs of man. Primary in Drahomanov's political ideas was humanism, a belief in the spiritual perfection of man, in the progress of society, which he understood from the perspective of satisfying the desires and needs of man. The scientist defended the values of a democratic society based on the principles of reason, solidarity and aimed at the "integral" development of the individual. He has an inherent commitment to the idea of the rule of law as a guarantee of gradual social development. In the phenomenon of national Drahomanov distinguished two aspects. First, he understood the nation as a product of historical development, the constant unification of people with a common destiny, language, traditions, perceptions of the past and aspirations for the future. Secondly, the modern nation was for him a community in which the potential, first of all, of its leading figures, cultural, spiritual, scientific, creative abilities of people is realized.

The Drahomanian concepts of resolving the national question in Europe differed in their originality. This is the theory of the "plebeian nations", the historiographical idea of the "incompleteness" of the historical, social and cultural development of the stateless nations. The Drahomanian concepts of resolving the national question in Europe differed in their originality. This is the theory of the "plebeian nations", the historiographical idea of the "incompleteness" of the historical, social and cultural development of the stateless nations. In seeking to harmonize inter-ethnic relations, Drahomanov has at times exaggerated the role of rational factors, the ability of national collectives to interact on the basis of humanity, dialogue and mutual action. His Eurocentric model of socio-political development was innovative. From the point of view of the "central" and "peripheral" processes of development of Europe, he interpreted the key events of history, determined the level of asynchrony of the development of Eastern European peoples in comparison with the processes inherent in the peoples of Western Europe.

In his scholarly and literary-critical works of the 1870-1890s ("Russian, Great Russian, Ukrainian and Galician Literature", 1873-1874; "Letters to the Dnieper Ukraine", 1893-1894; "Celebrating Shevchenko's Anniversary in" Russian Society "" , 1873; "War on the memory of Shevchenko", 1882; "T. Shevchenko in a strange house of his name", 1893, etc.) demanded that literature invariably be guided by the principles of fidelity to the truth of life, correspond to its time, reach problems and heroes the depths of social life. In his scholarly and literary-critical works of the 1870-1890s ("Russian, Great Russian, Ukrainian and Galician Literature", 1873-1874; "Letters to the Dnieper Ukraine", 1893-1894; "Celebrating Shevchenko's Anniversary in" Russian Society "" , 1873; "War on the memory of Shevchenko", 1882; "T. Shevchenko in a strange house of his name", 1893, etc.) demanded that literature invariably be guided by the principles of fidelity to the truth of life, correspond to its time, reach problems and heroes the depths of social life. Of great importance was the development of Drahomanov's concept of national literature. He emphasized the historicity of this category, which, constantly evolving, updating its content and form, showed a deep sensitivity to the social and aesthetic needs of the people. Supporting the works of Ukrainian writers in a truly national way, M. Drahomanov led a decisive struggle against pseudo-nationality, provincialism and limited literature.

One of the first in Ukrainian literary criticism he turned to the analysis of Romanticism as a trend in art, which in the previous decades played a positive role in the formation of national literature, provoking interest in oral folk art, ethnography, mythology of Ukrainians. Thus, the preconditions for realism, which became dominant in the Ukrainian literature of the second half of the 19th century, were prepared. One of the first in Ukrainian literary criticism he turned to the analysis of Romanticism as a trend in art, which in the previous decades played a positive role in the formation of national literature, provoking interest in oral folk art, ethnography, mythology of Ukrainians. Thus, the preconditions for realism, which became dominant in the Ukrainian literature of the second half of the 19th century, were prepared. Interesting is the concept of realism in M. Drahomanov's aesthetics, at the heart of which is the demand for unprecedented, objective depiction of life. Underestimation of the benefits of a realistic way of depicting reality led to the fact that some Ukrainian writers (for example, O. Storozhenko) drew abstract schemes rather than living people, were fascinated by didacticism, while artistic creativity required "to bring to the scene existing, not fictional persons. and position. " The scientist associated the achievement of realism in Ukrainian literature with the works of Taras Shevchenko, Mark Vovchko, Panas Mirny, Ivan Nechuy-Levitsky, and partly Yuriy Fedkovich. Engaging in comparative literary studies, M. Drahomanov promoted the importance of universal human aesthetic values in the development of the culture of the Ukrainian people.